Participatory communication to strengthen the role of grandmothers in child health: an alternative paradigm for health education and health communication

 

Published in: Journal of International Communication, 7:2, pages 76-97, 2001

 

Judi Aubel, PhD, MPH, Independent Consultant,

                      judiaubel@aliceposta.it or  judiaubel@hotmail.com

Douangchan Sihalathavong, M.D., Maternal and Child Health

Institute, Vientiane

 

Abstract:

 

In health education and communication (HE/C) strategies in community health programs in developing countries the dominant approach involves the use of directive communication methods to promote expert-defined changes in individuals' health-related knowledge and practices.  Another facet of most maternal and child health (MCH) programs is their focus on women of reproductive age and the systematic exclusion of older women, or grandmothers (GM), who, in many societies, play a leading role in family health promotion.  This approach is supported by most governments and international development organizations involved in the health sector.  While there has been relatively limited criticism of this approach to HE/C, there is an extensive body of literature from adult education, development communication, feminist pedagogy, medical anthropology and community organizing for health which identifies the limitations of this predominant approach and suggests the need to adopt alternative concepts and methods.  Key facets of an alternative paradigm include: promoting changes in community health-related norms; working with individuals within the family context, and using participatory, empowering approaches in HE/C.

 

This article reviews the literatures that support an alternative approach to HE/C.

Second, it presents a case study based on an innovative community project in Laos in which a participatory HE/C strategy was used to promote changes in community norms related to child health by strengthening the role of grandmothers.  Based on adult education concepts of transformative and constructivist learning, a simple, culturally-adapted methodology was used involving stories, songs and group discussion which elicited collective critical thinking and problem-solving.  The outcomes of this participatory HEIHC experience include, on the one hand, improved health-related knowledge and empowerment of GMs and, on the other hand, increased confidence in GMs' child health promotion abilities on the part of family members, community leaders and health workers.  The positive outcomes of the project are believed to be largely attributed to its conceptual and methodological underpinnings, which have generally been overlooked in HE/C programs.

 

Introduction:

 

Most health education/communication (HE/C) strategies in maternal and child health (MCH) programs in developing countries are based on a standard approach, or paradigm, which embodies three key parameters.  First, the goal of most programs is to bring about changes in individual health-related behavior (WHO l997, Stetson & Davis l999, NGO Networks for Health 1999). Secondly, the vast majority of these programs focus on women of reproductive age (Santow l995, Leslie 1987).  Thirdly, the educational or communication methods used in most

programs are based on a top-down, one-way communication process ( Aubel 2001, Stetson & Davis Op Cit.) which Freire (1970) referred to as a "banking approach.'

 

Programs which are based on this predominant paradigm are most often referred to                                                                                                                                                                as health communication (HC) (AED 1995, Graeff et al. 1993), however, other terms which are also used to refer to the linear, information-dissemination approach include information, education and education (IEC), social marketing (Novelli l990, Manoff 1985) and most recently behavior change communication.  The widely used HC approach was initially propagated in the l970’s by North American development organizations, namely USAID, and was subsequently embraced by many international organizations involved in health and development.  In turn, it was adopted by many Ministries of Health (MOH) in developing countries that have been recipients of technical support grounded in this paradigm.  In most of the international organizations, the HC approach is widely used without serious critical analysis of the conceptual basis for it, nor serious consideration of alternative parameters.  

 

Over the past 20 years, understanding of health-related behavior and of communication and learning processes has considerably evolved in various fields of research and practice namely, medical anthropology (Dressler & Oths 1999), development communication (Servaes et al. 1996, White et al. l994, Melkote 1991), adult education (Mezirow 1991, Galbraith, 1991), community organizing for health (Minkler 1998), community psychology (Heller et al.1984), and cross-cultural psychology (Segall et al.1999).  However, most HEIHC programs in developing country settings have not systematically integrated alternative emerging concepts and modified their approaches accordingly.

 

The collective body of research and conceptual work referred to above, clearly elucidates the limitations of the three parameters prevailing in most HEIHC programs and suggests alternative concepts for MCH programs.  First, rather than focusing on individual behavior change, it may be more effective for public health programs to focus on promoting changes in social norms which in turn influence individual behavior (Clark & McLeroy 1995).  Second, rather than focusing only on women of reproductive age, it is argued that health programs should take into consideration the wider family context and seek to involve other influential actors within the household in health promoting activities (Berman et al. 1994, Santow, Op Cit.).  Third, rather than basing programs on the top-down, one-way model of communication and teaching, programs and research on participatory communication (Riaño 1994) and adult learning (Brookfield 1991, Mezirow Op Cit.) clearly suggest that it is more effective to use a participatory, two-way approach, particularly if the aim is not only to provide information but also to strengthen critical problem-solving abilities.

 

The purpose of this article is first, to review the literature which supports these three alternative parameters for HE/C programs.  Given the wide gap that exists between what is known about learning and behavior change in families and communities and the simplistic and dated concepts upon which most HE/C programs are developed, this review is rather extensive.  It deals with all three parameters, however, the focus in on the third one dealing with recent conceptual insights into teaching and learning processes and corresponding methodological tools. 

 

The second purpose of this article is to present a case study on an innovative participatory community HE/C project carried out in Laos which illustrates the alternative paradigm.  The infant and child mortality rates in Laos are among the highest in Southeast Asia and diarrhea disease and acute respiratory infections (ARI) are primary contributors to these deaths (NSC 1995). The Maternal and Child Health Institute (MCHI) in Laos, which is part of the MOH, decided to develop a community HE/C strategy in order to improve household practices related to management of these two priority illnesses.  Past HE/C strategies developed in the country both by governmental and non-governmental organizations to address these and other MCH problems, had focused almost exclusively on women of reproductive age.  In addition, almost all earlier programs had adopted strategies based on the predominant linear, message-driven HC paradigm intended to promote changes in individual knowledge and practices.  

 

A qualitative community study, carried out in several provinces in 1996, revealed the protagonist role that GMs play in home management of diarrhea disease, ARI and other childhood illnesses (MCHI/WHO l996).  Based on those findings, the MCHI decided to develop a health education strategy involving GMs.  In spite of the important role played by GMs in MCH in Laotian families and communities, no previous HE/C programs had ever explicitly involved GMs.  The first author, as a WHO consultant, assisted the MCHI to develop a pilot HE/C project which aimed to strengthen GMs’ practices related to home treatment of the two illnesses.  In the innovative strategy, problem-posing stories dealing with typical childhood illness episodes were used to elicit critical thinking and problem solving amongst groups of GMs.  The methodology used in the project and the outcomes of the community HE/C activities are described in the second part of this paper.

 

Literature review

 

The literature review deals with the rationale first, for promoting changes in social norms, second, for focusing on key family actors rather than only on women of reproductive age, and third, for using participatory, transformative and empowering learning methods.

 

Changing community norms as a precursor to individual behavior change:  The roots of the prevailing focus on individual behavior change in HE/C programs can be traced to concepts from biomedicine (Laura & Heaney 1990), social psychology (RUHBC 1989), behavioral psychology (Eider, 1987), and mass communication (Shannon & Weaver 1949).  Criticism of the individual behavior change orientation in MCH programs has to date been relatively limited and has come primarily from academics in the North (Bunton et al.1991, Laura & Heaney 1990, Lorig & Lauren 1985, McLeroy et al., 1988).  The reductionist focus on individual behavior change blatantly ignores insights from anthropology (Dressler & Oths Op Cit.) regarding the influence of social structure and collective socio-cultural values on individual beliefs and behavior.  In so-called "traditional” societies, it is clear that collective, group values have a preeminent impact on individual thinking and behavior (Dressler & Oths ibid, Kayongo-Male & Onyango 1984).  In most cases, MCH health education programs have not seriously taken this into account.

 

An alternative goal in MCH programs is to promote changes in community norms, collectively defined values and practices, which indirectly can lead to changes in individual beliefs and practices.  This option is supported by the conclusions of a major review of health education interventions (Clark and McLeroy Op Cit.) "To have enduring effects, interventions must have an impact on social norms" (Ibid., p. 277).  In the health education project in Laos, the objective was to promote changes in community norms related to prevention and management of diarrhea disease and respiratory infections, as a precursor to individual behavior change.

 

 

 

Focusing on grandmothers, the learning institution:

 

Most MCH programs based on the individual behavior change paradigm narrowly focus on women of reproductive age based on the assumption that if their knowledge and attitudes are changed they will automatically modify their own practices.  Implicit in this orientation is the assumption that younger women can autonomously decide what behaviors to adopt.  It assumes that women are somehow independent of the socio-culturally-defined values and practices, which are dictated in the larger household and community contexts of which they are a part (Berman et al. Op Cit., Mosley 1984).  While the reductionist focus on women, and their children, simplifies the parameters which program planners have to deal with, it gives a superficial picture of the mufti-dimensional intrahousehold processes related to family health.   This perspective camouflages various household level actors, such as older women, men and older siblings who influence, either directly or indirectly, decisions regarding health and illness-related situations.   The role conferred on older women in most traditional societies to define and transmit socio-cultural norms from one generation to the next (Mead 1970) is blatantly disregarded in HE/C programs which focus exclusively on younger women. 

 

Anthropologist, Margaret Mead (ibid.) was one of the first to discuss the critical role which grandparents play in transmitting socio-cultural values and practices from one generation to the next.  While discussion of the role of older women, or 'grandmothers,' in the mainstream public health literature has been generally ignored, their role in child and family health has been observed and documented in different cultural contexts in Africa (Kayongo-Male & Onyango, Op Cit.), Asia (Jernigan & Jernigan 1992), Latin America (Finerman 1989, McKee 1987) and the Pacific (Kataounga 1998, Biuwaimai 1997).  In a discussion of development communication, Fuglesang (1982), points out the significant role played by grandmothers, referring to them as a "learning institution' in the family and community.

 

In Laos, the role played by GMs in household level decision-making related both to health promotion and illness management was first documented in the 1996 qualitative community study carried out by the MCHI (MCHI/WHO 1996).  The failure of earlier studies on different MCH issues to document the role of GMs can probably be attributed to both instrument and interviewer biases.  The l996 study results clearly delineated several categories of responsibility related to MCH which Laotian society confers on GMs, namely, teaching the younger generation, supervising others involved in child care and directly giving both advice and care to children.  As stated above, the results of that study were the impetus for developing the HE/C project that aimed to strengthen the role already played by GMs in MCH. 

 

From directive health communication for behavior change to empowerment learning

 

In the prevailing health communication (HC) approach used in community health programs around the world, the focus is on the dissemination of messages to 'persuade' or 'convince" people to adopt expert-proposed changes in their behavior (Braun et al. l994, Graeff et al. Op Cit., WHO Op Cit.).   The language used in such programs (audiences, target groups, message delivery, sender & receiver, persuasion) clearly implies a top-down, one-way mode of communication and a passive role for community members who “participate” in such a process (Thomas 1994).

 

While there has been some criticism of the health communication behavior change approach within the community health field, the most incisive criticism of the model has been articulated by academics and practitioners from the field of development communication.  Since the l980’s, development communication experts, many of whom are from the South, have strongly questioned the predominant communication paradigm adopted not only in the field of health, but in other development fields as well.  They have criticized the positivist-instrumentalist approach inherent in the conventional communication paradigm based on modernization theory in which the mass media play a dominant role in the transmission of expert-defined solutions to problems faced by local communities (Melkote Op Cit). 

 

Diaz-Bordenave (1994) dismisses the relevance of communication strategies based on behaviorist and knowledge-transmission pedagogies in the context of so-called development programs.  Riaño (1994) denounces the diffusionist, one-way communication mode employed in most development programs in which community members are expected to participate as "active listeners' and in turn “embrace the development messages” which are disseminated to them.  Kaplun (1983) states that in Latin America there is widespread criticism of the 'transmission model of communication' in which either the communicator or media play a manipulative role as the "architect of human behavior.  Melkote (Op Cit. ) asserts that the one-way communication model, and a focus on the use of mass media, contributes to an unhealthy dependency relationship between communities and development programs.  While there has been considerable criticism, on both ethical and pragmatic grounds, of the predominant linear and top-down approach to communication embraced in most development programs, these concerns been given relatively limited attention in international health forums and programs supported by development organizations in the North. 

 

The participatory learning approach used in the work in Laos was informed primarily by concepts and methods from adult education (Freire Op Cit., Mezirow Op Cit.), but also from development communication (Melkote Op Cit., Servaes et al. Op Cit.,  White et al. Op Cit.) and feminist pedagogy (Belenky et al. 1986, Riaño Op Cit.). 

 

Transformative learning

 

The limited success of past HE/C programs, based on linear, individual behavior-change models, can be attributed in part, we believe, to the failure to take into account insights from the extensive research and practice in adult education regarding communication and learning processes.  Since the early 1990's the dominant models in adult education have dealt with transformative learning, or learning which leads to changes in learners' beliefs or ways of seeing the world.  In the transformative learning paradigm, the learning process involves the construction of knowledge rather than the internalization of pre-defined knowledge, or messages.

 

In behaviorist, information-processing theories of learning, based on a positivist framework, "Learning is a process of accumulating information” (Cranton l994, p. 9).  From this perspective it is assumed that prescribed health knowledge or messages will be internalized by learners and that, in turn, this new knowledge will trigger changes in their behavior.  In contrast, in the constructivist framework, 'knowledge is constructed by the individual and there is no objective reality" (ibid., p.9).  For example, a woman whose child has diarrhea "constructs" her own approach to dealing with the illness which may draw on information and strategies learned from her mother, from television, from neighbors, from health workers and from her own past experience.  In the behaviorist view it would be assumed that this woman would immediately put into action a standardized health message dictating what she should do irrespective of her socio-cultural beliefs, resources and advice received from others.

 

Transformative learning potentially takes place when "learners" actively and critically analyze both their own experience and alternative solutions presented to them in order to construct' their own strategies to deal with everyday problems, Transformative learning models are supported by the work of Freire (Op Cit.), Kolb (Op Cit.) and Mezirow (Op Cit.).

 

The cornerstone of Kolb's (ibid.) experiential learning theory is the systematic analysis of experience.  He posits that optimal learning can only take place when an individual actively reflects on an experience that he/she has lived through, or one which relates to his/her life experience.  Kolb's experiential learning cycle, widely used in non-formal adult education programs, is a valuable methodological tool for structuring participatory and transformative learning.  Unfortunately, it has been used to only a limited extent in community HE/C programs.

 

Mezirow (Op Cit.), the most prominent constructivist theorist, defines the objective of adult education as perspective transformation.  In his view, the aim of an educational strategy is to strengthen learners' critical thinking and problem-solving skills to enable them to decide whether and how new information and experiences can be integrated into their prior learning in order to "construct" their own strategy or solution to real-life problems.  According to Mezirow, transformative learning can come about through a process of dialogue and critical reflection with others and can lead to changes in people’s beliefs and attitudes.  

 

Freire's (Op Cit.) perspective on adult learning resonates that of both Kolb and Mezirow as regards his conviction that meaningful learning must be based on the learners' reality.  However, while Kolb and Mezirow are concerned primarily with individual learning, Freire was primarily interested in collective or group learning processes.  Freire strongly criticized the prevalent banking- approach to education, wherein pre-packaged solutions are communicated to learners on the grounds that it is both manipulative and ineffective in helping them deal with real problems at the family and community levels.  He proposed a problem-posing approach in which learners are involved in dialogue and analysis of their own reality which can potentially bring about "creative transformation' in individual and collecting thinking.  Both Mezirow and Freire view knowledge “as a construction that human beings make rather than an objective truth that they discover” (Merriam 1993, pp. 52-53).

 

Despite the relevance of constructivist principles to HE/C efforts to promote the integration of popular and biomedical models of health at the community level, most programs have totally ignored the concepts and methods embodied in the constructivist model of transformative learning.

 

While North American educationalists, such as Mezirow and Kolb, have focused more on individual learning, Jarvis (1987b), a British adult educator, like Freire, deals with the social nature of learning.  Jarvis states, "Learning is not just a psychological process that happens in splendid isolation from the world in which the learner lives, but is intimately related to that world and affected by if (ibid. p. 11).  His work on learning processes within social contexts is particularly relevant to more traditional societies, such as Laos, where individuals are significantly influenced by group values and learning.  The impact of group values and learning on individual attitudes and practices has generally not been explicitly dealt with in HE/C programs.

 

Role of the facilitator in transformative learning

In HE/C programs in developing countries the primary focus has been on the technical content of communication and education activities and relatively limited attention has been given to the quality of inter-personal communication relationships between health educators/facilitators and community members.  The critical role of the facilitator, or "educator,” in educational activities has been emphasized, however, by adult educators (Robertson 1996, Brookfield 1991), health educators (Van Ryn & Heaney 1997, Wallerstein & Sanchez-Merki 1994), rural development technicians (Chambers 1998) and participatory development communicators (White 1999, Bessette  & Rajasunderam1996).

 

Both Brookfield (Op Cit.) and Robertson (Op Cit.) emphasize the need for adult educators to be facilitators of learning rather than disseminators of knowledge in order for them "to help learners to construct their own knowledge" (Robertson ibid., p. 42).  Robertson identifies prerequisite skills for fostering transformative learning: the ability to establish trusting, helping relationships; and the ability to engage in sensitive and authentic dialogue.

 

Research in health education has shown that the attitudes and skills of facilitators in helping relationships have an impact on the extent to which community members embrace health promoting behaviors proposed to them (Van Ryn & Heaney, Op Cit.). Insights into the role of the facilitator in interpersonal, health promoting activities are found in the literatures on social influence (Raven 1965), empowerment (Israel et al. 1994) and transformative learning (Mezirow & Associates1990).  Concepts from each of these fields converge on the importance of the facilitative and helping role required of “teachers” in order to promote openness to new ideas, self-confidence and learning on the part of “learners.”

 

Van Ryn and Heaney (Op Cit.) recently reviewed current knowledge regarding factors that contribute to the effectiveness of "helping relationships" in health education.  They discuss three types of interpersonal power exercised in interpersonal relationships.  The first two, information power and expert power, appear to be the most frequently used in HE/C.  According to these authors, research has shown that the third type of power, referent power, based on respect and acceptance of clients, is more likely to facilitate health-promoting behaviors than the other two types.

 

A critical issue discussed in the literature on community empowerment, and analogous to concepts presented by Van Ryn and Heaney regarding prerequisites for establishing effective helping relations, is the need for power to be shared between facilitators and community members (Israel et al., ibid.).  While there is increasing discussion of empowerment approaches in international health programs, often the power-sharing dimension is neither explicitly discussed nor put into practice.  For many health professionals, accustomed to using an approach based on top-down expert and informational power, it appears to be particularly difficult for them to embrace the role of co-learner which Freire viewed as essential in facilitating learning in others.

 

Based on these concepts dealing with the role of the teacher-facilitator, three key practice principles have been identified which should be adopted by facilitators who aim to promote transformative learning on health amongst community groups.  First, facilitators should show respect, unconditional positive regard and acceptance of learners.  Second, they should use a participatory approach to foster dialogue and learning.  These two principles are essential for establishing a comfortable, open and motivating communication relationship (VanRyn & Healey Op Cit.).  The third principle deals with the need for facilitators to challenge existing beliefs and values through the use of critical questioning strategies to stimulate reflection rather than to merely assess recall of priority information (Brookfield Op Cit).  While information acquisition is one aspect of learning, the central component of transformative learning involves rexamination of existing beliefs and schemas alongside new, alternative elements.  Brookfield explains the significance of this critical dimension of the facilitator’s role in promoting learning.  "Skilled critical questioning is one of the most effective means through which ingrained assumptions can be externalized” (Ibid., p. 92).  In the development communication literature, these ideas are resonated in White's (Op Cit.) concept of the catalyst communicator.  She asserts that in participatory education/ communication activities the primary role of the facilitator-communicator is to create an environment for dialogue, learning and transformation.

 

Participatory development communication

 

Many of the issues addressed in the development communication (DC) literature are extremely relevant to HE/C programs.  However, relatively limited attention is given to DC in the international health literature and programs, perhaps due to the fact that the conceptualization of communication differs considerably between the two fields. In programs which adopt a HC approach the focus tends to be on the technical information to be disseminated whereas in the DC orientation considerable importance is also given to the type of communication relationships developed both between communities and technical experts and within communities themselves. 

 

Development communication experts (Diaz-Bordenave Op Cit.., Servaes et al. Op Cit., Bessette & Rajasunderam Op Cit.) argue that communication strategies should be based on horizontal communication relationships which promote two-way knowledge-sharing and power-sharing which can lead to empowerment and social change.   Thomas asserts that such relationships must be based on “dialogue, reciprocity and understanding based on mutual respect” (Op Cit. p. 49).  Servaes and colleagues (Op Cit.) assert that an approach based on dialogical communication is often rejected by development workers who are accustomed to using communication strategies based on exercising power over others.  White addresses the empowering dimension of participatory communication that elicits "consciousness-raising through critical reflection about their own condition, which will lead to a significant voice in social action” (Op Cit. p.48).  Diaz-Bordenave (Op Cit.) states that participatory DC has far-reaching implications insofar as it can contribute to the development of more participatory societies where people are empowered to transform their reality.

 

Gender perspective on communication and learning

 

Several concepts from feminist pedagogy are particularly relevant to community HE/C and specifically to working with grandmothers in MCH programs.  Belenky and colleagues (Op Cit.) assert that in community programs teachers of adults should play a "facilitative" role.  They metaphorically refer to teachers as midwives.  "Midwife-teachers are the opposite of banker-teachers.  While the bankers deposit knowledge in the learner's head the midwives draw it out' (Ibid. pp. 217-218).  Other key precepts of feminist pedagogy which influenced development of the HE/C strategy used with GMs in Laos include: the importance of acknowledging and validating women's roles, the value of subjective knowledge and experience; the need to challenge the sexist and ageist stereotypes about women; and the need to empower women in their family and community roles. 

 

Riano's (Op Cit.) gender perspective on women's participation in communication and learning activities at the community level provides additional support for involving GMs in community HE/C strategies.  She maintains that in virtually all societies men are accorded dominate status in public communication forums which tends to mask the critical communication function assumed by women related to their socially-defined roles in reproduction, production and community management activities.  In traditional societies in Southeast Asia, as in Africa and Latin America, older women do play an important role as "informal communicators' in each of these spheres.  Riano's work supports the notion that efforts to increase GMs' access to communication information and tools can strengthen their role and status as communicators in their respective communities.  She also draws attention to the critical communication function played by women's groups which constitute "informal networks of exchange and collective strategies of survival” (Op Cit.,  p. 39).  She argues that communication strategies should work with these networks as a way of strengthening the capacity and role of women in the community.  The research in health education which has shown that strategies which work through social networks can be effective in promoting changes in health-related norms (Israel & Rounds Op Cit.) lends further support to the relevance of working with GM networks.

 

Systems approach to community capacity-building

 

In addition to the conceptual tenets summarized above, the GM project was also informed by several other concepts.  The overall approach was grounded in an ecological framework for health promotion (Green et al. 1996, McLeroy et al. Op Cit.) in the community setting, involving multiple categories of community members.  Principles from community organizing (Minkler Op Cit., Ross 1955) were applied in the identification and collaboration with existing community leaders and structures.  An assets approach (Kretzmann &MacKnight 1993) was adopted, as contrasted with the prevailing deficits approach, in which the aim is to acknowledge and strengthen existing community resources, namely GMs.  Lastly, the health education methodology reported on here embodies a community empowerment approach (Wallerstein & Bernstein 1994, Rappaport, J. 1984) wherein community members and health workers are involved in a participatory process of dialogue and negotiation as a means of increasing community capacity and commitment to collectively solve problems on their own and/or in collaboration with development workers.

 

Case study: Participatory health education/communication strategy with grandmothers 

 

The objective of the community project in Laos was to strengthen GMs' knowledge and practices related to home management of diarrhea and respiratory infections.  The community HE/C activities were carried out in a poor, rural, agrarian area, in 10 villages which are between 40 and 50 kilometers from the capital city, Vientiane.  In each village, five community sessions were conducted over a four-month period.  Participants in the community meetings were primarily GMs, but male community leaders and female community representatives of the Lao Women's Union also attended.  In the community sessions, simple songs and problern-posing stories describing typical illness episodes and alternative treatment strategies were used to stimulate discussion of “traditional”and “new” ways of dealing with childhood illnesses promoted by the MCHI.  The community sessions were facilitated by a team of five women doctors, all MCHI staff.

 

Based on the conceptual precepts discussed above, four critical facets of the HE/C methodology are described: working through existing mediating social structures; the familiar comfortable setting; the participatory, culturally-adapted educational materials; and group facilitation to encourage and challenge participants.  The rationale for each of these aspects is presented along with an explanation of how each was operationalized.

 

·       Working through existing mediating social structures

The HE/C activities were carried out with existing networks of grandmothers, traditional community leaders and women's association leaders, all mediating social structures (Note l.)[i] in the Laotian village context.  While grandmothers were the focus of the intervention, both community and women's group leaders were also involved.  The rationale for involving all three of these groups was that each of them play a role in defining and communicating community norms related to child health practices. 

 

 

·         Familiar, comfortable setting

According to experts in adult education, "adult learning and knowing are profoundly structured by the context in which they occur” (Merriam Op Cit. p. 74).  In many HE/C programs, however, the context, or setting, in which learning activities take place is given limited consideration.  In the Laotian project the setting for the learning activities was carefully chosen and arranged to ensure that GMs felt comfortable both going there and being there.

 

Most Laotians are Buddhists and in the Buddhist areas where the project was carded out, virtually all villages have a pagoda where 4the monks reside and carry out their religious activities.  In Buddhist areas, a task specifically assigned to older women is to care for the monks, including their meals and clothing.  The HE/C sessions were held in the pagodas where GMs frequently go and feel comfortable, During the sessions they sat together on the mats, as they frequently do with the monks.  They were assembled in a circle, along with the session facilitators to facilitate sharing and interaction.   The GMs sat in the inner circle while the community leaders sat just behind them.

 

·         Participatory, culturally-adapted educational materials

The educational materials developed for use with the GMs were simple, low-cost and intended to stimulate participatory teaming.   The songs and stories were developed by health workers, school teachers and Lao women's union representatives in a participatory materials development workshop.  The songs and stories all incorporate both traditional socio-culturally defined roles, values and practices related to diarrhea and respiratory infections with MCHI-recommended health information. 

 

Songs

 

A series of 13 simple songs were developed, many of them based on traditional Laotian tunes.  Singing is a common past time in Laos, however, songs had previously been used to only a very limited extent as a tool for HE/C.  In the pilot project, the purpose of the songs was two-fold: first, to acknowledge the importance of GMs’ role in household child health matters; and second, to convey key information recommended by the MCHI regarding home practices related to the two childhood illnesses.  A third function of the songs, which were used both at the beginning and end of the community sessions, was to make the GMs feel comfortable in the community sessions.

 

The Grandmother Song (below), illustrates how the songs were used to acknowledge GMs' role and at the same time provide health information.  The incorporation of popular terms used for different types of diarrhea in the community's taxonomy of diarrheal disease, illustrates how elements of the socio-culturally accepted beliefs and practices were incorporated into the songs.

THE GRANDMOTHER SONG

[Grandmothers' role in home treatment of diarrhea]

Chorus

Grandmother!  Grandmother!  Grandmother!

You are the one who supervises.

You are the one who is kind.

You are the one who advises

Everyone how to be healthy.

 

At the same time you supervise and protect (repeat) so that children will not get diarrhea like *thong su and *thong sia.

When you find that a child has *thok chuak or *thok thong

Give lots of liquid and encourage them to eat (repeat)

 

Repeat chorus

 

* These terms are part of the community’s taxonomy of different types of diarrhea.

 

From a learning perspective, it has been known for many years people are more motivated to engage in a learning activity if the teaching content reflects their own reality (Jarvis, 1987a).  Unfortunately, this principle is often overlooked in the development of health education materials.

 

stories

The specific purpose of the stories was to stimulate critical thinking regarding household management of childhood illness episodes and to promote changes, or perspective transformation (Mezirow & Assoc. Op Cit.), in GMs' ideas and practices related to child health.  Each story described an illness episode which incorporated both existing roles, beliefs and practices of community members and “new” advice promoted by the MCHI.   The transformative learning process was stimulated both by the story content and by the accompanying questions.

 

There has been some use of stories in HE/C programs in the past in different countries (Labonte 1999, Begbie 1985, Hilton 1981), however, in most cases they have been used to instruct people what they should do when faced with certain health-related problems.   In the conventional health education story line (Hilton, Ibid.), a problematic health-related situation is presented and the story characters either do what health workers prescribe and live healthfully ever after, or they refuse to follow health workers' advice and suffer the consequences of either illness or death.  Such stories are typically accompanied by recall questions to assess participants' ability to repeat the correct solutions, or “messages” related to the depicted problems in keeping with the "banking-approach" (Freire, Op Cit.)

 

The structure and use of the stories in the GM project was quite different.  The development of the Stores drew on the work of Kolb's experiential learning model, on Freire's work with problem-posing codes and on Brookfield's (1991) use of critical incidents to stimulate critical reflection and problem solving.  A key tenet of adult education, articulated by each of these authors, is that in order for learning to be meaningful it must be based on people's experience.  In the problem-posing methodology developed by Freire, story or picture “codes” are used to depict existing community situations, and they serve as a stimulus for group discussion of problems, causes and solutions.  Brookfield's use of critical incidents is similar insofar as they are descriptions of either real or constructed problematic situations, based on people's reality.  In Brookfield's approach the critical incidents are used to elicit critical thinking which he defines as, “reflecting on the assumptions underlying our and others' ideas and actions, and contemplating alternative ways of thinking and living” (ibid., p. x). In the work of both educationalists the codes, or incidents, portray problematic situations but do not suggest any solutions.

 

The stories developed for the project in Laos differ somewhat, however, from both Freire's problem-posing stories and Brookfield's critical incidents.  Based on a methodology developed by the first author (Aubel, 1995) two types of information were incorporated into the stories used with the GMs.  Like Freire's codes and Brookfield's critical incidents, the stories reflect many aspects of community life, including typical settings and activities, as well as health-related roles, values and beliefs.  The second type of information, not included in the Freire’s and Brookfield’s pedagogical tools, is priority health information which MOH programs wish to promote.  In each story an illness episode is described in which one of the characters, articulates more "traditional" ideas regarding treatment, whereas another character articulates the "newer' treatment ideas.  They are all stories-without-an-ending.  The juxtaposition of the community's 'popular model" of health/illness alongside the "biomedical model' of health/illness serves as a catalyst for discussion of both.

 

In order to ensure the systematic discussion and critical analysis of the story content, and to stimulate transformative learning, for each story a set of questions were developed based on Kolb's (Op Cit.) 4-stage experiential teaming cycle.  Kolb delineated four stages in the learning process: 1) a concrete experience (in this case the story of an illness episode); 2) observation and reflection on that experience (i.e. discussion regarding both the popular and biomedical models); 3) generalization or formulation of conclusions; and 4) discussion of possibilities of experimenting with the conclusions formulated in stage three.  A facilitator uses the questions to guide the group discussion. 

 

In each story the protagonist is a GM, reflecting the leading role they play in health matters in real life.   In all cases they are portrayed as competent and respected women, corresponding to an important concept from feminist pedagogy (Belenky et al. Op Cit.).

 

·         Group facilitation to encourage and challenge participants

The fourth critical dimension of the community HE/C methodology relates to the role of the facilitators during the group education sessions.  Their role was to support and encourage the GMs.  At the same time they were expected to challenge them to critically analyze both their past beliefs and practices and the new, alternative concepts related to child health.  The facilitators used critical questioning strategies based on, but not limited to, the pre-defined questions corresponding to the four levels of the experiential learning cycle.

 

The initial orientation of the facilitation team members included a simplified discussion of key concepts related to: the different types of power and empowerment; co-learning; transformative learning; and strategies for developing an effective helping relationship.  Based on the three key transformative learning practice principles (discussed above), there was discussion of techniques that facilitators were expected to use to show respect and acceptance of the GMs and to encourage them to participate.  These techniques include: the use of supportive, empathetic statements; non-verbal cues which signal acceptance such as smiling, head nodding and eye contact; avoiding statements which imply blame or criticism; and active listening to reflect back on clients' ideas and build on their strengths.

 

In order to prepare team members to use a participatory communication and learning approach the were introduced and practiced to other techniques as well: using open-ended questions to stimulate critical thinking; active listening to seek clarification regarding GMs' ideas; sharing common life experiences and feelings in order to establish rapport with the GMs; showing acceptance of GMs' ideas and feelings; ensuring that all participants have an opportunity to voice their opinions and impeding participants from dominating the discussion; and asking GM participants to periodically summarize the discussion.

 

At the end of each session, the facilitator elicited questions from the GMs either on the content of the story or the discussion itself.  This allowed the MCHI team members to share their own opinions, without imposing them.  In the last step in the group discussion the facilitator asked for feedback from the GMs, community leaders and women's group representatives on both the story content and discussion.

 

GM involvement in the health education activities

The number of grandmothers who participated in the health education sessions far exceeded the project team's expectations and most GMs participated enthusiastically in the sessions.  They had never before been involved in organized health education activities and at first many were shy and afraid to participate.  As the health workers established rapport with them, their confidence grew, they learned to clap and sing and became increasingly candid in sharing their own experiences and ideas.  Many insisted that they wanted to learn the "new ideas” about child health.

 

In all villages the GMs were both enthusiastic and emotional about the songs.  Many stated, "It is true what the songs say, GMs have an important role to play in child health.” They were consistently moved by the "Grandmother Song," which praised them for their role in child health.  Each time it was sung tears were seen in some GMs' eyes.  They said, "This song means you love us and respect us."

 

In all of the villages confident, intelligent and articulate "GM leaders" emerged who encouraged the others to consider the 'new ideas." The following declaration by a 70 year-old grandmother is a poignant example:

"Before I came to this session today, I had the same ideas as GM Chancy (in the story).  My mother taught me that a child with diarrhea should not drink or eat too much.  The teacher in the story is from the younger generation and she has been to school.  She is telling us the new ideas about how to care for sick children.  She didn't say we should give up all of our old ideas but we must listen to her advice.  She is trying to help us.  I know that the next time one of my little ones has diarrhea I will do as the teacher has advised and encourage him/her to eat and to drink. (Raising her hand and pointing to the others in the circle) And the rest of you are you ready to change?"

 

In all cases, solutions discussed by the GMs were based on a combination of traditional and 'new' practices.

 

Outcomes of the pilot project

 

In order to assess the effectiveness of the community level HE/C activities and to document the implementation process, both quantitative and qualitative data collection activities were carried out.  Pre and post individual quantitative interviews were conducted with GMs on 11 key aspects of home management of diarrhea and respiratory infections in order to assess possible chances in their knowledge.  Interviews were carried out with 175 GMs , between 45 and 75 years of age.  This data   revealed that in all cases GMs' knowledge increased, and in many cases significantly.  Team members were very surprised by these results given their assumptions about older people's inability to learn and the relatively limited intensity of the HEIHC activities.

 

Qualitative data collection consisted of process documentation (Korten 1989) by team members during all village activities.  This involved recording comments by and observations of GMs, CLs and MCHI staff members during all village visits.  This data provides insights into the impact which the community health education strategy had on GMs' knowledge and practices related to diarrhea and respiratory infections, on family members, on community leaders and on health workers themselves.

 

Impact on GMs:

Based on triangulated qualitative data, collected from several categories of community actors, it appears that by the end of the four-month project some of the GMs were not only putting some of the new ideas into practice but also recommending them to others.  Some GMs reported trying out new approaches related to encouraging sick children to eat, drink and continue breastfeeding.  In all communities, CLs stated that some of the GMs were trying the new advice, and that they were encouraging them to do so. 

 

Increased sense of empowerment:

By both validating GMs' roles and providing them with simple and practical new information, their sense of importance and their confidence appears to have increased both in the family and public spheres.  One community leader stated, "Usually GMs only sit quietly and speak softly with the Buddhist monks.  Now they can sing, clap their hands and share their ideas in public places." Their participation in the group sessions appears to have contributed to their greater sense of empowerment within the family related to child health.  Many GMs stated, "Like the song says, our role in child health is important and we must learn new things so that we can do a good job caring for the little ones." In later sessions many GMs reported with satisfaction, "We have tried out some of the new ideas, they have give n good results and our families now have more confidence in us."

 

Family members' perceptions of GMs

In Laos members of the younger generation are expected to respect older family members, however, their ability to learn new things is often questioned.  GMs' demonstration of their ability to improve their home care skills related to the two childhood illnesses appears to have made some family members reassess their potential.  A Lao Women's Union leader said, "This approach has made the GMs feel more confident about taking care of our children.  This has made them feel strong like a column in a house.  Now other family members have more respect for them and their advice."

 

Community leaders' perceptions of GMs

At the outset the community leaders were perplexed by the MCHI's plan to try to teach the GMs, but as they observed the GMs' enthusiasm and learning they became increasingly supportive of the initiative.  In all communities leaders stated that based on the results of this experience they would be sure to include the GMs in future local health and development activities, rather than to exclude them as they had usually previously done.

 

Health workers' perceptions of GMs

At the outset, the MCH I team was rather skeptical about the ability of GMs to learn and modify their practices.  At the conclusion of the project, they had all radically changed their perceptions regarding GMs' potential.  They said, "In the past we never thought of working with GMs.  The Laotian proverb says, 'You can't bend an old piece of bamboo.’ But we have seen that the proverb is not true.  The GMs were interested in learning and they were able to learn new things.”  MCHI staff subsequently concluded that all future MCH programs should involve GMs.

 

One year later

Unfortunately, since the project was completed one year ago, unfortunately, there has not been structured follow-up in the ten villages.  However, MCHI staff recently visited the villages and met with some of the GMs.  When asked what they remembered about the group sessions, many related key elements of the stories about childhood illnesses and emphasized what they had learned about "giving fluids and encouraging sick children to eat," priority messages in each of the sessions.  GMs interviewed were able to sing the four main songs used in the community sessions.  It is encouraging that some of the learning that took place during the sessions appears to have been retained in spite of the lack of follow-up over the past year.

 

Discussion and conclusions:

 

In health education and health communication (HE/C) programs in developing countries, there is considerable discussion of the need for programs to be based on people's socio-cultural reality, to use participatory approaches and to empower participants.  However, in many cases this fashionable rhetoric is not operationalized in program strategies.  The community HE/C experience carried out with grandmothers in Laos, provides an example of how these important concepts can be put into practice.  It illustrates how local socio-cultural roles, values and practices were used as the basis for development of simple, culturally-adapted educational materials.  It illustrates how a participatory communication and learning approach was used based on respect, dialogue and negotiation between the popular health model and the biomedical model.  It illustrates how a participatory communication and learning approach contributed to a increased sense of empowerment on the part of GMs, who had previously usually been ignored in community health programs.

 

The response of grandmothers, other community members and health workers to the participatory HE/C activities was very positive.  GMs participated enthusiastically, their knowledge of appropriate practices improved significantly and they made a strong commitment to integrating “traditional” and "modern" ideas into their health-related practices.  Many GMs defiantly rejected the widely-held Laotian proverb that "You can't bend an old piece of bamboo" and most of them subsequently demonstrated their ability to learn new things and to incorporate new ideas and practices regarding child health into their toolkit of resources for promoting family health.  Community leaders were very supportive of the strategy in so far as it acknowledged and strengthened grandmothers' role in family and community health matters.  They also modified their earlier assumptions that GMs are unable to learn new things.  Health workers, accustomed to using a HE/C approach based on one-way message-dissemination, learned how to facilitate group sessions based on respect, genuine dialogue and critical thinking.  The health workers involved in the project modified their opinions regarding grandmothers' potential to learn new things about child health and to play an active role in promoting “modern” concepts of home care.

 

We believe that the very positive results of the project can be attributed, to a great extent, to the project's conceptual grounding.  The community HE/C project reported on here was based on a series of theoretical and methodological perspectives which have not been systematically integrated into community health practice from the fields of medical anthropology, cross-cultural psychology, adult education, development communication and feminist pedagogy.  Models and concepts that had a major influence on development of the methodology include: transformative learning (Mezirow Op Cit.); participatory development communication (Servaes et al., Op Cit., White Op Cit.); feminist pedagogy (Belenky et al. Op Cit., Riano Op Cit.); relationship-based approach (Tresolini & PFTF, 1994) assets-based approach (Kretmann & MacKnight Op Cit.); and problem-posing methodology (Freire Op Cit.).  The importance of these last three aspects of the methodology is discussed below.

 

In the methods used in HE/C in most international health programs, priority is clearly given to the information, or message, content of these activities.  Generally, the quality of the communication relationships, between development facilitators and community members is largely ignored.  There is a nascent awareness in development programs that insufficient attention has been given to the attitudes and behaviors of development facilitators which appear to have a determining influence on efforts to promote community involvement and empowerment (Blackburn & Holland 1998).  In the GM project, priority attention was given to this dimension of the HE/C activities.  Principles of both a relationship-based approach (Tresolinii & PFTF Op Cit.) and an assets-based approach were applied and contributed to establishing a positive psychological and affective climate for the learning activities which, in turn, appear to have significantly contributed to the positive outcomes of the health promoting activities.

 

Based on the concept of a relationship-based approach, considerable effort was invested in ensuring the development of close relationships between the health worker-facilitators and the GMs, as well as in nurturing communication and cohesiveness amongst the GMs.  The Laotian team members consistently showed respect for and interest in the GMs, and interacted with them in a horizontal fashion, rather than as top-down experts.  Following an assets-based approach (Kretmann & MacKnight Op Cit.) the simple songs and stories used in the community activities acknowledged and praised GMs for their important role in family health.  Their traditional ideas and practices were never criticized.  The combination of these two approaches constituted the foundation for building rapport with the GMs, encouraging them to participate, to share their experiences and ideas, and to increase their self-confidence in their own ability to learn new things.  This experience highlights the importance of the affective, psychological dimension of all communication and learning activities and supports Chambers' (Op Cit.) call for greater efforts to bring about changes in development workers' attitudes and behaviors to enable them to be effective agents of participatory development.  Community health programs clearly need to focus more on these dimensions of communication relationships.

 

A third critical facet of the community HE/C project was the Freirian problem-posing methodology (Freire Op Cit.) which was employed.  The stories-without-an-ending elicited active and critical thinking by GMs about typical child illness episodes.  This method is in marked contrast with frequently used HE/C methods based on rote learning and persuasion.  The transformative learning methodology, encouraged GMs to discuss typical problematic situations and to develop, or construct, alternative solutions, in keeping with the constructivist paradigm in adult education (Mezirow Op Cit.).  Whereas in predominant HC information-processing approaches learning is viewed as a process of accumulating information, in the constructivist model people construct their own solutions.  GMs were actively involved in constructing solutions to the child health problems presented in the stories based on both their past knowledge and experience, and the new information they had acquired.  The advantages and impact of the problem-posing and constructivist methodology were several; GMs enthusiastically reflected on the open-ended, real-life problems depicted in the stories which they were challenged to solve; in all cases the solutions they constructed built on their values and reality; they were proud of the solutions they developed on their own; and lastly, through the active, critical thinking process they appear to have increased their sense of confidence and empowerment as household health advisors.  This experience clearly illustrates how critical principles from adult education can be applied in community HE/C programs.  Most HE/C programs have blatantly overlooked the conceptual and methodological insights from contemporary adult education literature which, we believe, are extremely relevant to community health program efforts to promote learning and health-related behavior change.  We argue that this blatant oversight needs to be addressed in future HE/C programs.

 

The results of this action research project strongly contradict the widely held belief in MCH programs in developing countries that GMs cannot learn and will refuse to change their ways.  In an attempt to modify MCH program planners' attitudes toward GMs in other cultural contexts, it would be useful for similar action research projects to be carried out to further explore the extent to which these older women are interested in and able to incorporate simple, new ideas regarding child health into their practice.

 

The methodological approach used with GMs in Laos is believed to be applicable to other socio-cultural contexts.  Currently a similar methodology is being used in Senegal in an NGO-MOH project wherein GMs are involved in nutrition education activities.  The preliminary findings are very promising both in terms of evidence of learning and changes in GMs’ child health practices, and in terms of the support being shown for GMs by other community members and health workers.

 

In the Laotian experience the extraordinary enthusiasm and capacity of the GM participants disproved both the policy makers' underestimation of their role in community health and the Laotian proverb's assumption that they cannot bend.  We suspect that experiences with GMs in other societies would elicit similar enthusiasm and capacity.  It is argued that in many societies the incorporation of GMs into MCH promotion programs could be defended on two grounds.  First, because their involvement may contribute to increased program effectiveness and second, because there is an ethical imperative to acknowledge the experience and commitment of these important, but often neglected, women.

 

Acknowledgements:

 

The community health education/communication project reported on here was  supported both by WHO and UNICEF in Laos.  The authors especially want to thank Dr. Ponthep, Director of the MCHI in Vientiane, for his support for this work.

 

 

Notes:

 

1.                    A "mediating social structure" consists either of "individuals," such as formal or informal community leaders, or "institutions" which link individuals to the larger institutions in public life, such as ministries etc. (Berger, P.L. and R. J. Neuhaus 1977 “Mediating Structures and the Dilemmas of the Welfare State” in To Empower People: The Role of Mediating Structures in Public Policy.  Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research,

            pp. 1-8.

 

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